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1.
Introduction
As we reflect on the theological truths of Mary's divine maternity
and her virginity, we are, in fact, imitating Mary. Luke has
recounts that the angels appeared to the shepherds, giving them the
good news that a Child was born in a manger Who was their Savior,
Messiah, and Lord. (Luke 2:11, 15) Luke informs us that the
shepherds came to the manger and that they "made known the
message they had been told about this child." (Luke 2:17)
Luke then relates that "Mary kept all these things, reflecting on
them in her heart." (Luke2:19)
What are "these things," except the wonderful events that she has
been a part of, the conception and birth of the Savior, Lord, and,
Messiah, as well as the words communicated to her and to others
regarding this birth?
In prayer and in theological reflection, we also ponder "these
things," the wonderful words and
events that occurred when the Word became flesh. We "ponder" as Mary
did, realizing that we are in the presence of a mystery which in
many ways is beyond our fathoming,
yet this is not a totally
unfathomable mystery because it is the mystery of God's revealing
Himself in the Person of His only Son and thus a mystery in which
God's desires that we come to ever deeper levels of understanding.
As Catholics, we believe that we are never alone, but we are always
part of a larger family, worldwide family, and a family that
spans the centuries. Thus, our reflection on
these truths must be rooted in the Scriptures. While the New Testament
foundation for the dogmas of Mary's motherhood and virginity have already
been treated, we cannot fathom the maternity and virginity of Mary without
continually returning to the New
Testament. The Letter from the Congregation for Catholic Education of March 25,
1988, reminds us: "The study of sacred Scripture...must
be the soul of Mariology."1
This is especially
true for our reflections on these mysteries that are founded on the
data given in the New Testament.
We look especially to the early reflections
on these mysteries in the Fathers of the Church, recognizing their
proximity to the earliest traditions and realizing that many
insights of contemporary theologians are the fruits of seeds sown in
Patristic reflections. The unanimous consensus of the Fathers
carries a special significance (DS 1507, 3007). We look to the
reflections of our sisters and brothers in the faith through the
centuries and especially in our own times, in the
study of theology but also as faith in these truths has been
celebrated in the liturgy.
Since our subject is the Marian dogmas, we
give particular attention to the formulations of the Councils and
the Magisterium. As the document of the International Theological
Commission, "On the Interpretations of Dogma," has stated: "Within
the Church it belongs to bishops, since they are in apostolic
succession (Lumen Gentium, 19), to interpret the tradition of
faith authentically. (Dei Verbum, 10) In communion with the bishop of Rome, who is obliged to serve unity
in a special way, they may define dogmas collegially and interpret them authentically. This may be done both
by the whole body of bishops together with the pope and also by the
pope, the head of the college of bishops, by himself (Lumen
Gentium, 25).2
As we discuss these mysteries and call upon
the reflections of the Church's theologians, each one of us must
recall that we too must take an active role in this process. Each
one of us must ask, "What does this truth mean? How does this truth relate to
the other truths of the faith? What
does this truth contribute to the essential message of salvation in
Jesus? These truths are not wall paper that is meant to decorate the
background. These truths are maps that indicate to each one of us how we must go. The
significance of Mary's virginity
and maternity is not limited to the historical fact of the
conception and birth of Jesus at a certain point in history. These
truths have a significance for us today, and we can only find it by
repeatedly pursuing that significance.
The International Theological Commission calls our attention to the
central truth of Revelation: "The truth of revelation, as witnessed
by Holy Scripture, is God's historical
fidelity truth (emeth);
ultimately it is the self-communication of the Father, through Jesus
Christ, to the present in
the Holy Spirit."3 The document also reminds us that the
teachings of the faith must be weighed in respect to the
revelation given in Jesus: "That
coherence results from the
center of unity in the tradition and its manifold forms. He is
the criterion of distinction and interpretation. From this
center Scripture and tradition as
well as individual traditions in
their changing expressions must be seen and interpreted."4
Are the Marian dogmas a diversion from the
center? Many non-Catholics and some Catholics believe that this is
so. The Church believes that reflection upon Mary leads to a better understanding of Jesus. Thus,
Lumen Gentium affirms: "Devoutly meditating on
her and contemplating her in the light of the Word made man, the
Church reverently penetrates more deeply into the great mystery of
the Incarnation."5 We come to a deeper appreciation of
the Incarnation by exploring it through the experience of the one
person who was most deeply affected by it. The Catechism of the
Catholic Church reiterates this principle: "What the Catholic
faith believes about Mary is based on what it believes about Christ, and what it teaches about
Mary illumines, in turn, its faith in Christ."6
2) Unity of
Virginity and Maternity (Scripture)
For
greater clarity, we will often examine Mary's virginity and her
maternity separately. In fact, virginity
and motherhood are entwined in virginal motherhood in Mary. Even
Mary's lifelong virginity which
was lived out long after the birth and also after the death of Jesus
is intimately related to her vocation as mother of the Incarnate
Word.
What does it mean that Mary was a virgin and
a mother? Matthew and Luke are aware
that they are relating what
is indescribable. Luke informs us of Mary's call and her
response, as well as the birth of the Child yet communicates the truth
without saying too much.
Matthew, who recounts Jesus' birth from Joseph's experience, does
not offer us any insights as to
what the experience of virginal childbirth and child-rearing was for
the virgin-mother. We simply learn from Joseph's inner struggles
that he is not the human father as we come to understand that this
Child has been conceived through the Holy
Spirit. (Mt 1:20)
Luke and Matthew communicate the
inconceivable, a virgin gives birth, and then do not return to the
fact for the rest of their Gospels, other than Luke 3:23. Nor does
Luke include the Virgin Birth in the kerygma found in the
book of Acts. John, who assures us the Word was with God in the
beginning and was God (John 1:1), does not touch upon the role
played by the woman he identifies as the "Mother of Jesus" (John
2:3) in the process by which the Word became flesh. (John 1:14)
We want to know more. Suppose someone were to
tell us that as he or she was
stopped
at a red light several trees walked across the street. And if the
person then went
on to say that the light turned green and proceeded to tell us about the
rest of his or her day, we would say, "Did you say several trees
walked across the street? Could you go
back to that?"
Matthew and Luke tell us that a virgin gave
birth to the Messiah and then they proceed on
with the story of
salvation. We would like them to back up a bit. We feel that we have
been given a taste of a great mystery but want more. Matthew and
Luke take off their shoes and
approach the incomprehensible mystery solely with reverence and
silence. We can appreciate their reverent delicacy of the Gospels,
when we compare their accounts of
Jesus' virginal birth with the overly explicit account found in the
Protoevangelium of James.
But why, we may ask, do Matthew and Luke
inform us of the fact of Mary's virgin birth? What is their purpose?
Our authors are not communicating incidental information to us.
Mary's virginal maternity pertains to Who Jesus is and what His
mission is. His conception and birth from a virgin forcefully
manifests that the mission of this Child is rooted in Who this Child
is.
In Matthew's Gospel, the angel tells Joseph
that "He will save the people from their sins."
(Mt 1:21) We are also told that "His name will be Emmanuel," that
is, God is with us. (Mt 1: 23)
In Jesus, God is present with His people and is reconciling His
people. When Jesus will say, "Your sins are forgiven you,"
(Mt 9:2), He will not be promising a future forgiveness as the
prophets might but rather He will be efficaciously giving
forgiveness through an authority rooted in Who He is.
In Luke's Gospel, Mary is told that the Child will be called the
Son of the Most High (Lk 1:32) and that the Spirit will overshadow her.
(Lk 1:35) This Child's being is the result of
the Spirit's over-shadowing. Three titles applied to God by Mary in
the Magnificat are applied to Jesus in other passages of the first two
chapters of Luke. Mary calls God "Lord,"
xov Kupiov (1:46), and "my Savior," aooxfipi u.ou
(1:47), and says that His name is "holy" dyiov.
(1:49) These three expressions are also applied to Jesus: dyiov
(l:35), Kupiov (1:43) and atoxrip (2:11).
Elizabeth
greets Mary as "Mother of my Lord," even as the Child is still in
the womb
indicating that Jesus does not become Lord. He is Lord from the start. Jesus
inaugurates
the Kingdom of God by His very presence because of Who He is.
When the religious leaders of the people take
offense at the authority Jesus assumed over
their religious practices
"but I say to you" (Mt 19: 8) and even over the Sabbath (Mt 12:12),
they were accurately surmising that the issue was accepting Who
Jesus is not just
His various teachings. Ultimately, the
question, "Who do you say I am?" remains the
decisive theological question. Everything else follows upon that.
3) Patristic Reflections on Virginity
and Maternity
As the Patristic foundations for Marian dogma
have already been explored, we will note the assumption of these
authors that Mary's virginal birth-giving actually happened. If, as
some authors suggest, Matthew and Luke were using a literary form in
presenting Jesus as being born of a virgin, then the key to
understanding that metaphor quickly disappeared with the sacred
authors and their first readers. We must not overlook the
indications of belief in the truth of the virginal motherhood in the
writings of the early Church and must also note that no early
Christian authors assert that Jesus had a natural
conception and a human
father.
The first stage was simply to assert that
Mary really was a mother to Jesus in a physical sense. The Gnostics,
who considered material things to be opposed to the spiritual, could
not accept the fact that Jesus had a physical body and therefore
Mary could not have been a real mother. One sub-group of Gnostics,
the Docetists, whose name comes from the Greek word "to seem,"
explicitly asserted that Jesus only seemed to have a body, only
seemed to be born, and only seemed to suffer, yet, even in opposing
the Gnostics, the
early Fathers did not downplay Jesus'
birth from a virgin, although the idea of a virgin
birth might lend itself to the
arguments of the Gnostics. For our early authors, Jesus' birth from
a virgin indicated His divine origin even as His birth from Mary
indicated His human origin. Ascertaining the right balance in
understanding the two natures of Jesus
was the project of the
first centuries of Christianity. As we will see, Mary was often a
help in giving the needed clarity.
In
their efforts against the Gnostic teachings, the early Fathers
emphasize the reality of Jesus'
birth from Mary as an assurance that He truly had a body and truly
was human. Ignatius of
Antioch (d. 110-115) very clearly asserts the reality of Jesus'
birth from Mary: "You are fully persuaded concerning our Lord, that He is in truth of the
family of David, according to the flesh, Son of God by the will and
power of God, truly born of a virgin" (Smyrneans 1.1).
Ignatius, in his letter to the Trallians, specifies that Jesus was
born, ate and drank: "Be deaf, when anyone speaks to
you, apart from Jesus Christ, of David's
lineage, and who is born of Mary, who was truly born and ate and
drank" (Trallians 9.1). Writing to the Ephesians, Ignatius makes the
distinction between Jesus' nature that comes from the Father and His
nature that comes from Mary: "There is only one physician, both
of the flesh and of spirit, born and unborn,
God in man, true life in death, sprung from Mary and from God;
because of the former He suffers; because of the latter He is
impassable, Jesus Christ our Lord." (Ephesians 7.2)
The early apologist Aristides of Athens
(d. c. 145) also attests both to Jesus' nature as the Son of God as
well as to the reality of Jesus' human birth: "He is confessed as
the Son of
the highest God, descending from heaven through the Holy Spirit; and
of a virgin, He took flesh..."7
Justin (d. c. 165) addresses the heretical
belief that the Father and the Son were the same,
but also asserts that the Son is God but also man by His human birth:
"For they who
affirm that the Son is the Father, are proved
neither to have become acquainted with the
Father, nor to know that the Father of the universe had a Son, who
also, being the first-begotten Word of God, is even God... having
become Man by a virgin, according to the counsel of the Father, for
the salvation of those who believe in Him."8
According to Irenaeus' (d. c. 200) theory of
recapitulation, Christ would have to assume the same nature as Adam
in order to heal the nature weakened in Adam. Irenaeus explains that
this was a real body made of Mary:
Why then, did not God again take dust, but
wrought so that the formation
should be made of
Mary? It was that there might not be another formation
called into being, nor any other which should be saved, but that the
very
same formation should be summed up, (in Christ as had existed in Adam),
the analogy having been preserved. Those, therefore, who allege that He
took nothing from the Virgin do greatly err (since) in
order that they might
cast away the inheritance of the flesh, they
also reject the analogy.9
Tertullian (d. after 200) attests to the faith of the Church in
North Africa that Jesus truly was
born of Mary: "You say that he was born through a virgin not
of a. virgin, and in the womb, not of a. womb,
because the angel in the dream said to Joseph, 'That which is born
in her (not of her) is of the Holy
Ghost.' But the fact is, if he had meant 'of her,' he must have said
'in her1'; for that which was of her was also in her."10
Clement of Alexandria (d. c. 215) affirms the
reality of Jesus' divine nature as well as the reality of His human
birth: "The Son of God -- of Him Who made the universe -- assumed
flesh, and was conceived in the virgin's womb (as His material body
was produced)..."11
The belief in the Virgin Birth is present in the early creedal formulas,
the articulated canons of beliefs. The "Apostles' Creed,"
which was so named because of a tradition that its origin was rooted
in apostolic times, is apparently the developed text of the profession
of faith in the Roman Baptismal Rite. It seems to have taken form
towards the close of the second century and to have been standardized
by the fourth century. St. Hippolytus (d. 235), in his Apostolic
Traditions, written between 215 and 217, asserts that one of the questions
in the Roman Baptismal rite was: "Do you believe in Christ Jesus,
the Son of God who was born by the Holy Spirit of the Virgin Mary?"12 Rufinus (d. 404), in his commentary on this Creed, says that
it was used in Rome and Jerusalem and is not much different from the
one to which he is accustomed. He furnishes us the text of the
Creed, which states of Jesus, "Qui natus est de Spiritu sancto
ex Maria virgine."13
On this basis, we can affirm
that by the beginning of the fifth century, but very likely, by the
beginning of the third century, this early creed, which was accepted
as having an authority by such fathers as Rufinus and Ambrose, made
explicit the belief in the roles of both the Holy Spirit and Mary.
The fact that Mary is plainly called "virgin" in this early creedal
statement indicates that the Church considered this fact important
enough to be professed by new Christians at Baptism. We may ask why
this particular fact was given its position in the creed. Its
importance would seem to be that the formula succinctly maintains
both Jesus' divine and His real human origins.
One factor that served as a catalyst to the Church in
establishing its rule of faith was the experience of heterodox
teaching within the Church. In the first centuries, the truth of
Jesus' divine and human origin was professed, but the subtleties of
Jesus' relationship to the Father and the distinctions between His
divine and human natures were not definitively articulated. When
heresies gave clarity where clarity should not have been by
emphasizing one aspect of the truth to the expense of others, the
Church strove to preserve the truth which was often rooted in
paradox.
This can be seen in the Council
of Nicaea, where 318 bishops responded to the call of Constantine to
clarify the relationship of Christ to the Father in response to Arius'
teaching that Jesus was a semi-divine creature. As a result of their
sessions, held between June 19 and July 25, 325, at the imperial palace
at Nicaea, the bishops composed a creed that would especially clarify
Jesus' divine origin. In reference to the Incarnation, this original
Creed did not make mention of Mary but only Jesus, of Whom it says "incarnatus
est et homo factus est."14
A second Council met at Constantinople in 381
to further refine the understanding of the
relationships of the members of the Trinity, especially with reference
to the Holy Spirit.
The Acts of this Council are no longer extant
although there are references to the
Council. Among the
additions were the words, "of the Holy
"Spirit and of the Virgin Mary," so that the Creed asserted: "et
incarnatus est de Spiritu sancto ex Maria virgine,
et homo factus est."15 It is not clear whether the
additions to the
Creed were a deliberate attempt
by this Council to further clarify the profession of faith.
It is possible that various forms of the Nicene Creed had been in
existence and one of these was
attributed to this Council. We know that this Creed had Conciliar
approval in that it was affirmed at the Council of Chalcedon (451).
This expanded formula, Et incarnatus est de
Spiritu sancto ex Maria Virgine, summarizes
the two- fold truth about the Incarnation. Jesus is made incarnate by
the power of the
Holy Spirit. The words ex Maria Virgine
assure us that Jesus truly is a human being, even
if His
origin is unlike that of any other person. Gnostics, such as
Valentinus, taught that Jesus assumed a heavenly body that passed
through Mary as water through an aqueduct.
The Church, by contrast, asserted Jesus' heavenly origin but also
the reality of His humanity.
Even today, we acknowledge the important
ramifications of this formula by the fact that when the Creed is
recited at Mass, the members of the congregation bow their heads at
these words, and on Christmas and on the Solemnity of the
Annunciation, they genuflect.
4)
Theotokos : Mary as Mother of God
Since the next Council, Ephesus (431),
focused on the Divine Maternity, in this section,
we will try to follow that theme,
recognizing that existentially, Mary's maternity is
intimately bound with her
virginity. The earliest Fathers made reference to Mary in order
to show Jesus' humanity. By the time of the Council of
Ephesus, Mary was invoked to show Jesus' divinity. We will not
explore the historical development of the controversy
between Cyril and Nestorius in
any depth, except to consider the theological
ramifications that were evoked by the word,
Θεοτόκον.
Θεοτόκον is generally understood
to mean "God-bearer" but it can also mean "Birth-Giver
of God," "God-bearing Mother," or the "Bringer-forth-of-God."16
Jaroslav Pelikan, in his work, Mary Through the Centuries, asserts that this
title was not a pagan idea carried over into Christianity: "The
history does not in any direct way corroborate the facile
modern theories about the 'mother goddesses' of Graeco-Roman paganism
and their supposed significance for the development of Christian
Mariology. For the term Theotokos was apparently an original
Christian creation that arose in the language of Christian devotion
to her as the mother of the divine Savior and that eventually received its theological justification from the church's clarification of
what was implied by the orthodox witness to him."17
Pelikan maintains that it was not only the
Conciliar definitions but the liturgical and
devotional life of the Church that advanced the Church's
understanding of Mary: "But for the development of the doctrine of
Mary that, according to Athanasius, was implied in the
decrees of Nicaea, the lead had been taken by
the devotional and liturgical development of the Church, which in
its ascription of the title Theotokos to the Virgin Mary had
anticipated the formal Conciliar promulgation of the doctrine by more
than a century."18
A possible indication of this truth may be
found in the first certain reference to the use of
the word
Theotokos. Alexander, bishop of Alexandria (d. 328), writing
against Arianism between 319 and
324, describes Jesus, as "having taken in truth and not in
appearance a body from the
Theotokos, Mary."19 Alexander does not explain his
use of the term, Theotokos, which suggests that the name was
already in use, possibly in the liturgy and in
popular devotion.
One rather unusual reference to the spread of
the expression, Theotokos, does indicate that the term was
more widespread than we might suspect from the preserved documents.
The Emperor Julian, in his attack on Christianity around 361,
entitled Against the
Galilaeans,
asks: "But why do you not cease to call Mary
the Θεοτόκον...?"20
We find this term in writings of two Cappadocian Fathers who had
been influential in refining the
Church's understanding of the relationships of the members of the
Trinity. St. Basil (d. 379) states: "I believe in one God the Father
Almighty; God the Father, God the
Son, God the Holy Ghost; I adore
and worship one God, the Three. I confess to the
economy of the Son in the flesh
and that the holy Mary, who gave birth to Him according to the
flesh, was Mother of God (Theotokos)."21
Gregory Nazianzen (d. 390) uses the
expression Theotokos in an effort to bring out Jesus'
divinity:
If anyone does not believe that Holy Mary is
the Theotokos, he is severed
from
the Godhead. If anyone should assert that He passed through the
Virgin as through a channel, and was not at once divinely and
humanly formed in her (divinely, because without the intervention of
a man; humanly, because in accordance with the laws of gestation),
he is in like
manner
godless. If any assert that the Manhood was formed and afterward
was clothed with the Godhead, he too is to be condemned....If any
introduce the notion of two Sons, one of God the Father, the other
of the Mother, and discredits the Unity and the Identity, may he
lose his part in the adoption promised to those who believe aright.
For God and Man are two natures, as also soul and body are, but
there are, not two Sons or two
Gods.22
This term became especially significant during the struggle that
led to the Council of Ephesus.
Nestorius (d. ca. 451), the patriarch of Constantinople, took
offense at a homily that
Proclus preached in the cathedral, sometime between 428 and 429, in
which Mary was called the Theotokos. Nestorius attempted to
distinguish between Jesus' human and divine natures, insisting that
the better title for Mary was Christotokos, since Mary was
the mother of Jesus' human nature, not His divine nature.
We cannot be certain how Nestorius understood
the interplay between the two natures, since most of the Nestorian
writings have been destroyed, and since our understanding of
Nestorius comes down to us through those who opposed him. Certainly,
coming from the
Antiochene school, he was wary of blending
the two natures. In the fourth and fifth centuries, there were two
great centers of Christian teaching, Antioch and Alexandria. Luigi
Gambero observes: "These opposing schools were engaged in a struggle
rendered even more difficult by mutual misunderstandings and the
ambiguous theological
vocabulary of the time. Both parties were pursuing legitimate
objectives. The school of
Alexandria stressed the unity of the subject Christ; the Antiochenes
emphasized the differences
between divinity and humanity."23
Was Nestorius' purpose in rejecting the title
Theotokos an attempt to distinguish between Jesus' two
natures or did he actually not accept the unity in Jesus' person?
Nestorius had
been a disciple of Theodore of Mopsuestia, who had been a disciple
of Diodorus of Tarsus. These
bishops seemed to say that the Word dwelt in the man Christ as in a
temple so there was a
distinction between the Word and the humanity in whom the Word
dwelt. What Nestorius could not see is that Mary was the mother of
the person, Jesus, who had
two natures.
A theological principle that Nestorius did not appreciate was the
communicatio idiomatum, the "communication of idioms."
He did not consider it to be appropriate theological language about Jesus. By means of the communicatio idiomatum,
what is true of one nature of Jesus is applied to the
other, as in saying that "God wept at the tomb of Lazarus" or "A carpenter raised a man from the dead." Of
course, such language requires a definite understanding of what is being
said and what is not being said. While weeping applies to Jesus'
human nature and raising the dead applies to His divine nature, He is
one person. Aloys Grillmeier points out that clarification of such usages
was needed in the period just before the Council of Ephesus: "We
must note that it was at just this point that the discussion of the
so-called communicatio idiomatum in Christ began in earnest.
The
time had come to give a theological criticism and vindication of a way
of speaking which had hitherto been merely traditional and had been
employed since the Apostolic age without further thought."24
The Council did not explicitly affirm the title by itself. In its
first session, the bishops
present approved Cyril's second letter to Nestorius as the orthodox
formula. That letter states: "For
in the first place no common man was born of the holy Virgin; then the
Word thus descended upon him; but being united from the womb
itself he is said to have endured a generation in the flesh in order
to appropriate the producing of his own body. Thus
(the holy Fathers) did not hesitate to speak of the holy Virgin as the
Mother of God.'25

There are twelve anathemas which Cyril and the Synod of Alexandria had
appended to the letter when it was sent
to Nestorius in 430. The first of these is the statement: "If anyone does not confess that God is truly Emmanuel, and that on this account
the Holy Virgin is the Mother of God (Θεοτόκον),
for according to the flesh she gave birth to the Word of God
by birth, let him be anathema."26
While this formula is associated
with Cyril's letter it was not
part of the letter which the Council affirmed but has been
accepted as orthodox. In his letter, Cyril explained the true doctrine by means of Mary,
saying: "The Fathers did not hesitate to call the blessed Virgin
the Theotokos and this was certainly not because of
the nature of the Word or the divinity had its origin in her but because
it was from her that the sacred body was born, endowed with a rational
soul to which the Word is united to the point of forming one only person."27
The Church's belief about the two natures of Christ as they are joined
in one person of Christ found concrete expression in the term, Θεοτόκος;.
It is very significant that the clarification
of the true doctrine of the oneness of Jesus' person was made manifest
through a truth about Mary. As Thomas Aquinas has noted in his Commentary
on the Sentences, "the humanity of Christ and the maternity of the Virgin are so interrelated
that he who has erred about the one must be in error about the other."28
The attention given to Mary by the controversy and by the Council
of Ephesus approved the title,
Θεοτόκος; played a
major role in the spread of devotion to Mary both in the
East and in the West where the
name, Mater Dei, "Mother of God" became the equivalent
for the Greek word. Raniero
Cantalamessa O.F.M. comments on the correspondence between the Latin and
Greek expressions: "The title 'Mother of God' (Dei Genitrix),
used by the Latin Church, places more emphasis on the first of
these moments, on the moment of the conception; whereas the title
Theotokos,
used by the Greek Church, places greater emphasis on the second
stage of giving birth..."29
An interesting side of this controversy is that while Cyril was principally
responsible for
the approbation of the title, Θεοτόκος;,
he followed Origen in believing that Mary wavered
in her faith at the cross. The
Latin Fathers, especially Augustine, demonstrated that Mary's interior being corresponded in faith to the great dignity
of her maternity.
Twenty years later, in 451, the fourth Ecumenical Council, Chalcedon,
reaffirmed the
decisions of Ephesus, describing Jesus in this way: "Following
therefore the holy Fathers, we unanimously teach that the Son, our Lord
Jesus Christ, is one and the same, the same perfect in divinity, the same perfect in humanity, true God and
true man...born of the Father before all time as to His divinity, born
in recent times, for us and our salvation, from the Virgin Mary, Mother of God, (Θεοτόκον), as to His humanity."31
Pope John II, in a letter in 534 to the Senate of Constantinople, responds
to the question
whether Mary can be called "Mother of God." He responds, "The
glorious and holy Mary, ever a virgin,
is in a real and true sense Mother of God."32
The Second Council of Constantinople (553) again confirmed the teaching
of Ephesus, stating: "If anyone call the holy and glorious Mary,
ever Virgin, Mother of God in an inaccurate way, or only relatively, as if a mere man was born from her
and not the divine Word incarnate...or call her mother of man, that is of Christ, as
if Christ were not God; and does not confess her as really and truly
mother of God, since the divine Word was born of the Father before time and in recent times was incarnate and born
of her, and that the Holy Council of Chalcedon so confessed her, anathema
sit."33
The third Council of Constantinople (680-681), addressing the Monothelites,
asserts of Jesus "before ages,
indeed, begotten of the Father, according to Godhead, in the last days,
however, the same for us and our salvation of the Holy Spirit
and the Virgin Mary, properly
and truly the Mother of God according to humanity."34
Paul IV reasserted this teaching in the sixteenth century.35 On December 25, 1931, the fifteenth centenary of the Council of
Ephesus, Pius XI addressed Mary's maternity in his encyclical Lux
Veritatis, stating. "If the son of the Blessed
Virgin Mary is God, certainly she who bore Him should rightly and deservedly
be called Mother of God. if the person of Jesus Christ is one and divine, surely Mary
is not only mother of Christ, but should be called Deipara, Theotokos."36
5) Mary’s Maternity in the Fathers of the Church
As the
Church attempted to articulate more clearly its beliefs on the
nature of
Christ in the face of Gnosticism, Arianism and Nestorianism, the
Church came to a clearer understanding of Mary.
The Gnostics, who
considered material things to be opposed to the spiritual, could not
accept the fact that Jesus had a physical body. The Docetists, whose
name
comes from the Greek word "to seem," were a sub-group of Gnostics who held
that Jesus only seemed to have a body, seemed to be born, and seemed
to suffer.
In their efforts against the Gnostic teachings, early Fathers
emphasize the reality
of Jesus' birth from Mary as an assurance that He truly had a body and truly
was a human. Ignatius of Antioch (d. 110-115) very clearly asserts
the reality of Jesus' birth from Mary. "You are fully persuaded
concerning our Lord, that He is in truth of the family of David,
according to the flesh, Son of God by the will and power of God,
truly born of a virgin" (Smyrneans 1.1). In his letter to the
Trallians, he writes: "Be deaf, when anyone speaks to you, apart from Jesus Christ, of David's lineage,
and who
is born of Mary, who was truly born and ate
and drank." (Trallians 9.1) And again,
writing
to the Ephesians, he points out: "There is only one physician, both
of the flesh
and of spirit, born and unborn, God in man, true life in death, sprung from
Mary and
from God; because of the former He suffers;
because of the latter He is impassable, Jesus Christ our Lord."
(Ephesians 7.2)
Aristides of Athens, an apologist who died about 145, also attests
to the reality
of Jesus' human birth: "He is confessed as the Son of the highest
God, descending
from heaven through the Holy Spirit; and of a virgin, He took
flesh..."
Justin
(d. c.165) describes Jesus as the eternal Son of the Father: "For
they who affirm that the Son is the Father, are proved neither to
have become acquainted with
the Father, nor to know that the Father of the universe had a Son,
who also, being the
first-begotten Word of God, is even
God... having become Man by a virgin, according to the counsel of
the Father, for the salvation of those who believe in Him."37
Irenaeus (d. c. 200) addressing the Gnostics, emphasizes the reality
of Jesus' flesh
taken from Mary:
Why then, did not God again take dust, but wrought so that the
formation
should be made of Mary? It was that
there might not be another formation called into being, nor any other which should be saved, but that
the very same formation should be summed up, (in Christ as had
existed in Adam), the analogy having been preserved. Those,
therefore, who allege that he took nothing from the Virgin do greatly err
(since), in order that they
might cast away
the
inheritance of the flesh, they also reject the analogy.38
The Roman Creed, which was used in the third century, also affirms
Jesus' birth from Mary: "I believe in God, the Father almighty, and
in Jesus Christ, His only
Son, our Lord, who was born of the Holy Spirit and of the Virgin
Mary."
Tertullian (d. after
200) attests to the fact that Jesus truly was born of Mary: "You say
that he was born through a virgin not
of a virgin, and in the womb, not of a womb,
because the angel in the dream said to Joseph, 'That which is born
in her (not
of her) is of the Holy
Ghost.' But the fact is, if he had meant "of her," he must have
said
"in her;" for that which was
of her was also in her."39
Clement of Alexandria (d. c. 215) affirms the reality of Jesus'
divine nature and
the reality of His human birth: "The Son of God -- of Him Who made
the universe -- assumed flesh, and was conceived in the virgin's womb (as His
material body was
produced)..."40
The Council of Nicea was
convened by Constantine and met at the imperial
palace in Nicea between June 19 and July 25,
325. The Council was called to deal with
the teachings of Arius (d.
336), a priest of Alexandria, who taught that Jesus was the
perfect creature of God through whom
God had created all other creatures. The original Creed formulated
at the council did not mention Mary but did affirm the divinity of
her
Son, as having one being with the Father. The First Council of
Constantinople, which
met in 381, added to the Nicene Creed the
words, "of the Holy Spirit and of the Virgin Mary."
While
the reality of Jesus' birth from Mary was attested to earlier, in
the fourth century we see the use of the expression Theotokos,
which technically means, "God-bearer." Pelikan, in his book, Development of Christian Doctrine,
asserts that this was
not a pagan idea carried
over into Christianity: "The term Theotokos
is apparently a
Christian creation that arose in the language of Christian devotion to her as
the mother of the divine Savior and eventually received its
theological justification from the
Church's clarification of what was implied by the orthodox witness
to him."41
Socrates (d. after 450) in his History of the Church states;
"The ancients did not
hesitate to call Mary the Theotokos...
.Origen in the first book of his Commentary on
the Letter of Paul to
the Romans
explains the reason she is called Theotokos at length."42
The first certain reference
to the use of the word Theotokos is found in the letter of
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria (d. 328), against Arianism written
between 319 and 324, in which he states that
"Our Lord Jesus Christ, having taken in truth and not in
appearance a body from the Theotokos, Mary."43 The
manner in which Alexander makes
use of the word Theotokos suggests that the word was already
in use, possibly in the
Liturgy.
His successor to
the see of Alexandria, Athanasius, also uses the term Theotokos in
a number of his writings. Athanasius was the outstanding defender of
the divinity of Christ against the Arians. In his First Discourse
Against the Arians, Athanasius professes his belief in the divinity of Christ:
Even
before He became man, He was worshipped by the angels and the whole
creation in virtue of being proper to the Father...For as Christ died
and was exalted as man, so, as man,
is he said to take what, as God, He ever had, that even such a grant of grace might reach us. For the Word was not impaired in
receiving a body, that he should seek to receive a grace, but rather
He deified that which He put on, and more than that 'gave' it graciously to
the race of man. For as He was ever worshipped
as being the Word and existing in the form of God, so being what He ever was, though become man and called Jesus,
He nonetheless has the whole creation under foot, and bending their
knees to Him in this Name, and confessing
that the Word's becoming flesh, and undergoing death in the flesh, has not happened against the glory of His Godhead,
but 'to the glory of God the Father'...For whereas the powers in heaven, both Angels and Archangels, were ever worshipping the Lord, as they
are now worshipping Him in the Name of Jesus, this is our grace
and high exaltation that even when He became man,
the Son of God is worshipped...."44
The notion of the
Theotokos serves Athanasius' purpose in bringing out the fact
that Jesus was divine in His origin. Athanasius writes, "As Gabriel confessed
in the
case of Zacharias, and also in the case of Mary bearer of God
(Theotokou)...."45 And
also, "For us he took flesh of a Virgin, Mary bearer of God (Theotokou)."46
Pelikan
attests to the role of both Athanasius and the liturgy in
developing the understanding of Mary: "But for the development of
the doctrine of Mary that, according to Athanasius, was implied in the decrees of Nicea, the lead had been taken by
the devotional and
liturgical development of the Church, which in its ascription of the
title Theotokos to the Virgin Mary had anticipated the formal
conciliar promulgation of the doctrine by more than a century. "47
One rather unusual
reference to the spread of the expression,
Theotokos is found
in the Emperor Julian's attack on Christianity around 361,
entitled, Against the
Galilaeans.
In this work, Julian asks: "But why do you not cease to call Mary the Θεοτόκον...?"48
St. Basil (d. 379)
states: "I believe in one God the Father Almighty; God the
Father, God the Son, God the Holy Ghost; I adore and worship one God, the
Three. I
confess to the economy of the Son in the flesh and that the holy
Mary, who gave birth
to Him according to
the flesh, was Mother of God (Theotokos)."49
Gregory Nazianzen
(d. 390) uses the expression
Theotokos in an effort to bring
out Jesus' divinity:
If anyone does not believe that Holy Mary is
the Theotokos, he is severed from
the Godhead. If anyone
should assert that He passed through the Virgin as through a
channel, and was not at once divinely and humanly formed in her
(divinely, because without the intervention of a man; humanly,
because in accordance with the laws of gestation), he is in like
manner godless. If any assert that the Manhood was formed and
afterward was clothed with the Godhead, he too is to be
condemned." If any introduce the notion of two Sons, one of God the Father, the other of the Mother, and discredits
the Unity and the Identity, may he lose his part in the adoption
promised to those who believe
aright. For God and Man are
two natures, as also soul and body are; but there
are not two Sons or two Gods.50
In the fourth and
fifth centuries, there were two great centers of Christian
teaching, Antioch and Alexandria. Luigi Gambero observes: "These opposing
schools were engaged in a struggle rendered even more difficult by
mutual misunderstandings
and the ambiguous
theological vocabulary of the time. Both parties were pursuing legitimate objectives. The school of Alexandria stressed the unity
of the subject Christ; the Antiochenes emphasized the differences
between divinity and humanity."51
Nestorius (d. ca.
451) was the patriarch of Constantinople and had been trained
in the school of Antioch. Between 428 and 429, in the presence of Nestorius in
the cathedral at Constantinople, Proclus preached a homily in honor
of Mary in which he employed the word Theotokos. Nestorius attempted to distinguish between
Jesus' human and divine natures, arguing that the better title for
Mary was Christotokos, since
Mary was the mother of Jesus' human
nature not His divine nature.
Since most of the Nestorian
writings have been destroyed, and since our understanding of
Nestorius comes down to us through those who opposed him, it is
often difficult to decipher exactly what Nestorius was asserting.
Was his purpose in
rejecting the title Theotokos an attempt to distinguish
between Jesus' two natures or did
he actually not
accept the unity in Jesus' person? It seems clear that he did not
appreciate the communicatio idiomatum, the "communication of idioms,"
as appropriate theological language about Jesus. By means of the
communicatio idiomatum, what is
true of one nature of Jesus is applied to the other, as in saying
that "God wept at the tomb of Lazarus" or "A carpenter raised a man
from the dead." Of course, such
language requires a definite understanding of what is being said and what is
not being
said. Aloys Grillmeier points out that such a clarification was
needed in the period just before the Council of Ephesus: "We must
note that it was at just this point that the discussion of the so
called communicatio idiomatum in Christ began in earnest. The
time had come to give a theological criticism and vindication of a
way of speaking
which had hitherto been merely traditional and had been employed since the
Apostolic
age without further thought."52
What Nestorius could not
see is that Mary was the mother of the person, Jesus,
who had two natures. Cyril, the patriarch of Alexandria, began a correspondence
with Nestorius and took up the cause with great vigor. It is
possible that Cyril was influenced by rivalry between the two important sees.
In a letter to his priests, deacons and monks, Cyril reports:
I am disturbed beyond measure because I heard that certain
troublesome rumors
have reached you, and that
certain men go about destroying your simple faith,
making close inquiries, and saying that it is necessary to specify whether or
not
the Holy Virgin Mary is to be called the Mother of God
(Theotokos)....1 am
amazed if some should
question at all whether the Holy Virgin should be called the Mother of God. For if our Lord Jesus Christ is God, how is
the Holy Virgin
who bore him not the mother
of God?53
In the same letter, he
maintains: "The Holy Virgin alone...is considered and
called both mother of Christ and Mother of God. For she has borne, not a mere
man,
as we are, but rather the Word of God the Father made flesh. "54
In a letter to
Succensus, bishop of Diocaesarea, Cyril tries to give an explanation
of Nestorius' failure to comprehend the unity of the two natures:
Nestorius became the disciple of this Disidore, and then with mind
darkened by his books he pretends to
confess one Christ, Son and Lord, but he himself also divides the one
into two, saying that the undivided man was connected to God
the Word by the same nature, by the same honor, and by dignity. And so he
separates the sayings made about Christ in the evangelical and apostolic
proclamations and says that some ought
to be attributed to the man, obviously the statements proper to the
humanity, and others alone are suited to God the Word, obviously those
proper to divinity. And since in many places he divides and successively
regards the one begotten from the Holy Virgin as man separately, and likewise
separate and successively the Son, the Word of God the Father, for this reason he says that the Holy Virgin is not the Mother of God
but rather the mother of a man. But we are not disposed to hold these
as true, but we were taught according to the divine Scripture and the holy
fathers and we confess that one Son and
Christ and Lord, that is, the Word of God the Father, was begotten of him before the ages in a divinely fitting and ineffable
manner and that in recent ages of time the same Son was begotten for
us according to the flesh from the Holy Virgin, and since she gave birth
to God made man and made flesh, for this reason we also call her the
Mother of God. Therefore there is one Son, 'one Lord Jesus Christ' both
before his Incarnation
and after his Incarnation.55
In his letter to Valerian,
bishop of Iconium in Lycaonia, Asia Minor, Cyril
asserts: "This likeness in every way he would properly have and, above all
other
similarities, his birth from a woman, which in us is considered
proper to human nature
and is like us, but in the
only-begotten it is perceived as going beyond this, for God
was made flesh. Accordingly the holy Virgin is called
Theotokos.
"56
In his letter to Nestorius, Cyril insist on the use of the expression
Theotokos:
And since the Holy Virgin brought forth as man God united to flesh
according to the hupostasis, we say that she is the Mother of
God, not because the nature
of the Word had a beginning
of existence from the flesh, for 'In the beginning was the Word, and
the Word was with God, and the Word was God,' and He is the creator
of the ages, co-eternal with the Father, and creator of all things.
As
we have stated before, having united the human to himself according to the
hupostasis,
He even endured birth in the flesh from the womb. He did not require because of His own nature as God a birth in time and in the last
stages
of the world....If anyone does not confess that the Emmanuel is
God in truth,
and because of this does
not confess that the Holy Virgin is the Mother of God
(for she bore according to the flesh the Word of God made flesh), let him be
anathema. If anyone does not confess that the Word of God the Father
was united to flesh substantially, and that there is one Christ with His own flesh
and that He manifestly is God, the same one as is man, let him be
anathema.57
At the Council, Cyril delivered a homily in praise of Mary:
I see here a joyful company of Christian men met together in ready
response to
the call of Mary, the holy
and ever-virgin Mother of God. The great grief that
weighed upon me is changed into joy by your presence, venerable
Fathers....Therefore, holy and incomprehensible Trinity, we salute
you at whose summons we have come together to this church of Mary,
the Mother of God.
Mary, Mother of God, we salute you. Precious
vessel, worthy of the whole world's reverence, you are an ever
shining light, the crown of virginity, the
symbol of orthodoxy, an indestructible
temple, the place that held him whom no
place can contain, mother and virgin. Because of you the holy gospels could
say: "Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord."
We salute you, for in your holy womb, He, who is beyond all
limitation, was
confined. Because of you the holy
Trinity is glorified and adored; the cross is called precious and is
venerated throughout the world; the heavens exult; the
angels and archangels make merry; demons are put to flight; the devil, that
tempter, is thrust down from heaven; the fallen race of man is
taken up on high; all creatures possessed by the madness of idolatry
have attained knowledge of the truth; believers receive holy
baptism; the oil of gladness is poured out; the Church is
established throughout the world; pagans are brought to repentance.
What more is there to say? Because of you the light of the only-begotten
Son of God has shone upon those
who sat in darkness and in the shadow of death; prophets pronounced
the word of God; the apostles preached salvation to the gentiles; the
dead are raised to life, and kings rule by the power of the Holy Trinity.
Who can put Mary's high honor into words? She is both mother and virgin.
I am overwhelmed by the wonder of this miracle. Of course no one
could be prevented from living in the house he had built for himself, yet who
would invite mockery by asking his own servant to become his mother?
Behold then the joy of the whole universe! Let the union of God and
man in the Son of the Virgin Mary fill us with awe and adoration. Let
us fear and worship the undivided Trinity as we sing the praise of the
ever-virgin Mary, the holy temple of God, and of God Himself, her Son
and spotless Bridegroom. To Him be glory for ever and ever. Amen.58
6) Mary's Maternity in St. Thomas
In III, 35, 3, Thomas
discusses whether Mary can be called Christ's Mother
with regard to his temporal birth. He raises objections that Mary did not
cooperate
actively in begetting Christ, but rather supplied the matter for
his being, and that the begetting was miraculous. He concludes that
Mary is Christ's mother because Christ
was formed from her blood. Mary's role was natural as she carried Jesus for a
length of time but the Holy Spirit's role was supernatural.
In
III, 35, 4, Thomas raises the question: "Whether the Blessed
Virgin should be called the Mother of God?" He begins with the
objection that the term is not
scriptural as is the "mother of Christ" or of "the Child," (Mt.
1:18). Secondly that
"Christ is called God in respect of His Divine Nature. But the
Divine Nature did not first originate from the Virgin." Thirdly,
that the word "God" is predicated in common
of Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit and Mary is not the Mother of the Trinity.
He then points out: "In the
chapters of Cyril, approved in the Council of
Ephesus (P. 1, Cap. xxvi), we read:
'If anyone confess not that the Emmanuel is truly God, and that for this reason
the Holy Virgin is the Mother of God, since she begot of
her flesh the Word of God made flesh, let him be anathema.'"
Thomas responds to these questions:
I answer that, As stated above (16, 1), every word that signifies
a nature in the
concrete can stand for any hypostasis of that nature. Now, since the
union of the
Incarnation took place in the hypostasis, as above stated (2, 3), it is
manifest
that this word "God" can stand for the hypostasis, having a human
and a Divine
nature. Therefore whatever
belongs to the Divine and to the human nature can
be attributed to that Person: both when a word is employed to stand for it,
signifying the Divine Nature, and when a word is used signifying
the human nature. Now, conception and birth are attributed to the person
and hypostasis in
respect
of that nature in which it is conceived and born. Since, therefore,
the
human nature was taken by the Divine Person in the very beginning of
the
conception, as stated above (33, 3), it follows that it can be truly
said that God was conceived and born of the Virgin. Now from this is
a woman called a man's mother, that she conceived him and gave birth
to him. Therefore the Blessed Virgin is truly called the Mother of
God. For the only way in which it
could be denied that the Blessed Virgin is the Mother of God would
be either if
the humanity were first
subject to conception and birth, before this man were the Son of
God, as Photinus said; or if the humanity were not assumed unto
unity of the Person or hypostasis of the Word of God, as Nestorius
maintained.
But both of these are erroneous. Therefore it is heretical to deny
that the Blessed
Virgin is the Mother of God.
In his reply to the
first objection, Thomas answers: "This was an argument of
Nestorius, and it is solved by saying that, although we do not find it said
expressly in
Scripture that the Blessed Virgin is the Mother of God, yet we do
find it expressly said
in Scripture that
"Jesus Christ is true God," as may be seen 1 John. 5:20, and that the
Blessed Virgin is the "Mother of Jesus Christ," which is clearly
expressed in Mt. 1:18. Therefore, from the words of Scripture it
follows of necessity that she is the Mother of
God."
Furthermore, he
comments: "Again, it is written (Rm. 9:5) that Christ is of the
Jews "according to the flesh, who is over all things, God blessed for ever."
But He is
not of the Jews except through the
Blessed Virgin. Therefore He who is "above all
things, God blessed for ever," is truly born of the Blessed Virgin as of His
Mother."
In reply to the second objection, Thomas answers:
This was an argument of Nestorius. But Cyril, in a letter against
Nestorius
answers it thus: 'Just as when a man's
soul is born with its body, they are
considered as one being: and if anyone wishes to say that the mother
of the flesh
is not the mother of the soul, he says too much. Something like
this may be
perceived in the generation
of Christ. For the Word of God was born of the
substance of God the Father: but because He took flesh, we must of
necessity
confess that in the flesh He was born of a woman.' Consequently we
must say
that the Blessed Virgin is
called the Mother of God, not as though she were the Mother of the
Godhead, but because she is the mother, according to His human
nature, of the Person who has both the divine and the human nature."
Replying to the third
objection, he notes: "Although the name 'God' is common
to the three Persons, yet sometimes it stands for the Person of the Father
alone,
sometimes only for the Person of the Son or of the Holy Ghost, as
stated above (16, 1;
I, 39, 4). So that when we
say, 'The Blessed Virgin is the Mother of God,' this word
'God' stands only for the incarnate Person of the Son."
7) Theological Discussion of the
Divine Maternity Within the Last Century
Can the language of dogmas or dogmas themselves be flawed?
Kari Borresen, a Norwegian Catholic theologian, has been critical
of the expression Mater Dei. She observes that ©eoxoKoq (God-bearer) and the Latin equivalents,
Dei Genetrix (the one who gives birth to God) and Deipara
(parere means to give birth)
emphasize the physical act of giving birth with the emphasis on the One who is
borne or
given birth to. The expressions Mater Dei
and "Divine Maternity" seem to Borresen to place more emphasis
on Mary than the early councils had intended.59
Borresen points out that the term Mater Dei appeared in the
liturgy in the sixth century and then was introduced into theology by
St. Ildelaphonsus of Toledo in the seventh century. Dei Genetrix
was used more frequently even when it was used interchangeably by
the scholastics. The councils have used the terms Dei Genetrix and
Deipara. The first council to depart from this practice and use
Mater Dei was Vatican II in the document, Lumen Gentium.60 In general, Borresen is critical of the androcentrism of the councils
themselves, seen in the male/active female/passive assumptions of its
language. She provides the interesting information that it was only in 1827, that
Karl Ernst von Baer "discovered the mammalian ovule, demonstrating
the equal roles of both parents. She questions
whether the terms Mater Dei and "Divine Maternity"
are adequate to express what the early councils intended,
given the present understanding of conception.61
Borresen believes that, if present understandings are applied to
the traditional language, Mary would be divinized. She notes that
instead of the adage that the child is like the
mother, in this case, the mother becomes like the Son, implying that
Mary is considered to be more like her Son than she is like other
humans, basking in His divine qualities.62
Borresen
concludes: "When the androcentric assumptions that underlie them
have broken down, it will become impossible to use the traditional
terms for Mary or the Church. Theotokos or mater ecclesia
will no longer have
connotations of female dependence and
so will not be
applicable, since to use them in a post-patriarchal society would
raise the status of the human to an extent that is irreconcilable
with the primacy of the divine."63
It is my understanding of Borresen that, given contemporary
understandings of conception, to say that Mary is "Mother of God" in
a real sense puts her on an equal status with God, which Borresen
asserts we cannot do. Borresen raises a number of questions
including whether doctrinal statements made at a particular time can
be flawed because of mistaken assumptions on the part of those making the
judgment.
We need to ask how we identify what is essential in the Church's
proclamation of truths. As Catholics, we assume that the Holy Spirit
has been guiding the Church even when working through vessels that
are earthen. We also need to ask ourselves to what extent
we allow ourselves to be judged by the dogmas and to what extent we judge the
dogmas.
The dogma should not be a
dead relic from times past; rather it should become fruitful in the
life of the Church. For this reason a dogma should not be seen only
in its negative, limit-setting sense, but should also be understood
in its positive truth-revealing sense. Such a contemporary
interpretation of dogmas must take
into account two, at first sight, contradictory principles: the abiding
validity of the truth and the actuality of the truth. Thus neither
should the tradition be given up or
betrayed, nor under the guise of fidelity should what is but a petrified
tradition be passed on. It is important therefore that hope for the
present and the future come from memory of the tradition. A
statement can only be ultimately meaningful in
the present to the extent that it is true.
Without doubt the permanent and valid content
of the dogmas is to be
distinguished from the way in which they are
formulated. In any age the mystery
of Christ surpasses the possibilities of formulation and thus eludes any final
systematization....Nevertheless, no clear-cut separation can be
made between the content and form of the statement, The symbolic
system of language is not mere external apparel, but to a certain
extent the incarnation of a truth....Of its nature,
that proclamation takes concrete form by way of articulation and thus as a
real symbolic expression of the content of faith, contains and makes
present what it
designates. Therefore the images and concepts
(employed by that proclamation)
are not arbitrarily
interchangeable.64
Is the maternity the basic principle of Mariology?
One question that has appeared in various forms at different times
concerns the relationship between Mary's holiness and her maternity.
Jesus' response to the woman who praised His mother's womb and
breasts, that rather those who hear the word of God and keep it are
blessed would suggest that Mary's role as disciple was the more
important
than her role as mother. Augustine's words seem to support this
priority: "The blessed Mary certainly did the Father's will, and so
it was for her a greater thing to have been Christ's disciple than
to have been His mother, and she was more blessed in her
discipleship than in her motherhood...She kept God's truth in her
mind, a nobler thing than carrying His body in her womb."65
In recent years, Mary's role as a disciple has been highlighted and
her maternity has been somewhat accepted but not reflected upon.
On the other hand, Pius IX, in the Bull
Ineffabilis Deus, defining the Immaculate
Conception, asserts that
Mary's maternity was predestined: "From the very beginning, and
before time began, the Eternal Father chose and prepared for His
only-begotten Son, a Mother in whom the Son of God would become
incarnate and from whom, in the blessed fullness of time, He would
be born into this world."66
If Mary's maternity was predestined, then it would seem to follow
that everything else flows from that.
Cyril Vollert, S.J., in his study, "Fundamental Principle of
Mariology," acknowledged that there did not exist a consensus and
that even papal documents had not asserted one.
Nevertheless, from his research, he concluded: "Thus from the basic
truth that Mary is the Mother of God, everything else follows....The
divine maternity is the basis of Mary's relationship
to Christ; hence, it is the basis of her relationship to the work of
Christ, to the Whole Christ, to all theology and Christianity. Therefore
it is the fundamental principle of Mariology."67
Reginald Garrigou-Lagrange, O.P., makes a theological argument that
Mary's maternity was a greater dignity than her grace by analogy
with Christ: "Just as in Jesus the dignity of Son of God, or Word
made flesh, surpasses that of the plenitude of created grace,
charity, and glory, which He received in His sacred soul as a result
of the hypostatic union of two natures in Him by the Incarnation, so
also in Mary the dignity of Mother of God surpasses that of the
plenitude of grace and charity, and even that of the plenitude of
glory which she received through her unique predestination to the
divine maternity."68
We can see Garrigou-Lagrange's concern, that the spiritual graces
and gifts which were given to Mary would not seem to outweigh in
importance the graces and gifts given in the person of Jesus to the
world through her, yet there is a certain awkwardness in weighing
heavenly mysteries with human scales. One of the difficulties with
speaking of "divine Maternity" is that we seem to be emphasizing
more ontology or a state of being rather than the existential being
the Mother of Jesus. Discussions of Mary's maternity before the
Second Vatican Council were often more speculative whereas those
after the Council tend to be more existential.
Raniero Cantalamessa illustrates how Mary's maternity and
spirituality were in accord:
Mary's physical or 'real' maternity, because of the exceptional
and unique
relationship it created between her and
Jesus and between her and the whole
Trinity, was and will remain from an objective point of view the
greatest honor and a privilege that cannot be equaled, but this is
precisely because it finds a subjective counterpart in Mary's humble
faith. It was certainly a unique privilege for Eve to be the 'mother of all the living,' but because she
lacked faith it was of
no avail to her, and instead of being blessed, she became
unfortunate.69
Maternity as discipleship
Other theologians, however, have also emphasized the maternity.
Edward Schillebeeckx
points out the centrality
of the notion of Mary as Mother after Ephesus: "Before the
Nestorian heresy, which denied Mary's divine motherhood, the Church Fathers
tended to regard Mary principally as the 'new Eve' and as the
'prototype of the Church. It was not
until the Council of
Ephesus that her motherhood came to be regarded explicitly as the
central mystery of Mary."70
Schillebeeckx takes the position that Mary's maternal relationship
with Jesus is the basis of all the Marian teachings: "The concrete
reality, expressed in utter simplicity by the
bare scriptural fact "Mary, the mother of Jesus," comprises the entire dogma
of Mary. All
the other definitions of faith
concerning Mary merely serve to develop or set out in greater detail
what is contained in this infinitely rich concrete motherhood."71
However, Mary's motherhood does not need to be separated from her
discipleship, as though the two aspects were separate or even
opposed. In fact, Schillebeeckx observes that Mary's discipleship
was lived out in her maternity: "The essential core of the Marian
mystery is that she conceived in faith (fide concepit),
that her motherhood was one to which she freely committed
herself in faith."72
If discipleship means receiving Jesus as our Redeemer, Mary's
maternity was an act of
welcoming her own redemption:
It is Mary's concrete motherhood which constitutes the fundamental
principle of the entire mystery of Mary. Her concrete motherhood
with regard to Christ, the redeeming God-man, freely accepted in
faith -- her fully committed divine motherhood -- this is both the key
to a full understanding of the Marian mystery and the basic Mariological
principle,
which is concretely identical with
Mary's objectively and subjectively
unique state of being redeemed.73
According to Schillebeeckx, Mary's motherhood is joined to her
personal or subjective redemption, in what he describes as "active
conception in the bodily sense and active receptivity in the
spiritual sense."74 Mary allowed Jesus the Redeemer to
give Himself to her in bodily and spiritual receptivity. This
reception of the Redeemer spiritually must be made by every single
person being redeemed by personal cooperation with God in faith,
hope and charity, as well as acceptance of Jesus, God and Man. Jesus
comes objectively
in the reception of the sacraments which must be received with
living faith (perfidem et
sar amenta fidei).
Schillebeeckx asserts: "Similarly, Mary was redeemed by her faith,
here externally
represented in her bodily
reception of the primordial sacrament -- the conception of Christ
himself. This can be put in another way, namely that Mary was redeemed by her
faithful
reception, embodied in bodily conception or motherhood."75
I believe that
Schillebeeckx has opened up the dogma of Mary's maternity in such a
way
that we can see Mary as a model for our own reception of Jesus in
the sacraments and in
our encounters in faith, by which we proceed in our own subjective
redemption.
Schillebeeckx points out that Mary's maternity was more than the
act of giving Jesus birth. Motherhood is a process by which the
mother nurtures the child's growth and development, especially in
the child's youth but the action between mother and child continues
through their lives. The faith and love which Mary gave to her
maternal
relationship with Christ was not restricted to the physical bearing of
Him or giving birth to Him. Schillebeeckx speaks of Mary's
motherhood as "a progressive reality."76
Frequently, we relate
Mary's maternity to the events between the Annunciation and
Christmas. In fact, motherhood is a life-long relationship with a child.
Motherhood in faith
Karl Rahner also asserts that Mary's
maternity is more than a mere physical relationship
to Christ. Jesus is a gift from God to her as He is to us. She gave
Him the ability to be a member
of the human race and ultimately its Savior. Thus, because of the
hypostatic union of the Son of God with the human nature, she is
truly the 'mother of the Lord' (Lk 1:43), Mother of God (Council of
Ephesus A.D. 431). Her motherhood is not just a biological event nor
her personal history, but a motherhood effected by faith, (Lk 1:43;
2:27 ff.), "a true
partnership with God's action for mankind."77 Mary's
motherhood occurs by God's grace, and through her motherhood, she
accepts grace for the world.78
Rahner emphasizes that the Incarnation alters
our relationship to God because now God
is with us, in our
flesh and nature, God and Man in one Person, even today in our
Sacraments. Rahner asserts: "That is why Mariology is not merely a piece
of the private life-story
of Jesus of Nazareth, of no real ultimate significance for our
salvation, but an affirmation of faith itself concerning a reality
of the faith, without which there is no
salvation."79
Rahner asserts that the truth contained in
the words 'born of the virgin Mary,' articulating a truth believed
from the time of the apostles, and defined at Ephesus is essential
to Christianity: "There can indeed be no question of genuine
Christianity, truly believing in the coming of God himself in human
flesh, if this oldest of the articles of faith concerning Mary is no
longer held firm, or if an attempt is made shamefacedly to disregard
it. It is clear that only very little can be said here about this
mystery of the faith, which really
implies the whole substance of Christian belief."80
Rahner stresses that the greater God's gift
is, the more it depends upon Him, yet the more
it is our own. Mary's
consent to open the world to God's mercy was her own act. By her
consent the Word of God was made
flesh: "The divine motherhood of the blessed Virgin is therefore
God's grace alone, and her own act, inseparably. It is not simply a
physical motherhood -- as an act of faith personally made --
it
belongs intrinsically to the history of redemption, it gives Mary a
real relationship to us, for we are living in the history of
redemption which she has
decisively influenced."81
Ramifications of the Motherhood of Mary for our times
Raniero Cantalamessa, O.F.M. Cap., has
observed that Mary's Motherhood still serves us
in obtaining the proper understanding of Jesus: "Thus, the title
'Mother of God' is also a
bulwark of defense against both the
ideologization of Jesus, which would make of him an idea or a
personage more than a true person, and the division of humanity and
divinity in
him, which would put our salvation at risk. It was Mary who anchored
God to earth and humanity; it
was Mary who, by her divine and very human maternity made God the
Emmanuel, God among us,
for all time. She made Christ our brother."82
Cantalamessa observes that the present problems are more difficult
than in the past because people no longer argue about Christ's
natures but settle into no faith at all.
Cantalamessa asserts that Mary's motherhood reveals the nature of
God:
God silently entered the womb of a woman. It
is really the case to say that this is credible precisely because it
is crazy; it is certain precisely because it is
impossible....The God who
became flesh in a woman's womb is the same God
who comes to us in the heart of
the matter, in the Eucharist. It is a unique
economy and a
unique style. St. Irenaeus was right in saying that he who doesn't
comprehend God's birth of Mary cannot comprehend the Eucharist
either. (Cf. Against
Heresies, V,2,3) All
of this proclaims better than any words could that the Christian God
is grace and that this grace is received by gift and not by
conquest.83
Another author has observed: "When we reflect on Mary, the Mother of
God, we realize
that Christianity is not an ideology or a
philosophical system or a legend, but our personal adherence to the
reality of the Incarnation. To put it more simply, Christianity is
for us, as for Mary, a life with Jesus the Son of God."84
The Church imitates Mary in bringing forth Christ
St. Gregory of Nyssa (d. 394) speaks of Christ
being born in us as He was in Mary: "The
child born within us is Jesus, and in each one who receives Him, He
grows in diverse
ways 'in wisdom and age and grace.' In diverse
ways in each one according to the degree
of grace in each, and according as each is ready to receive Him, He
comes as a small
child, as a growing boy, or as a mature man."85
Ambrose compares Mary with those who turn to
Christ: "When the soul then begins to turn to Christ, she is
addressed as 'Mary,' that is, she receives the name of the woman who
bore Christ in her womb: for she has become a soul who in a
spiritual sense gives
birth to Christ."86 Ambrose also raises the possibility that
the soul will not continue on in
its
faithfulness: "Not all have brought to birth, not all are perfect,
not all are 'Mary': for
even though they have conceived Christ by the
Holy Ghost, they have not brought Him to
birth.
There are those who thrust out the Word of God, as it were
miscarrying. See to it therefore that you do the will of the Father,
so that you may be the mother of Christ."87
Augustine (d. 430) develops the relationship between Mary and the
Church:
The Virgin Mary is both holy and blessed, and
yet the Church is greater than she. Mary is a part of the Church, a
member of the Church, a holy, an eminent -- the most eminent --
member, but still only a member of the entire body. The body
undoubtedly is greater than she, one of its members. This body has
the Lord for its head, and head and body together make up the whole
Christ. In other words,
our
head is divine; our head is God. Now beloved, give me your whole
attention, for you also are members of Christ; you also are the body
of Christ. Consider how
you yourselves can be among those of whom the Lord said: Here are My
mother and My brothers. Do you wonder how you can be the mother
of Christ? He Himself said: Whoever hears and fulfills the will
of My Father in heaven is My brother and My sister and My mother.
As for our being the brothers and sisters of Christ, we can
understand this because, although, there is only one inheritance and
Christ is the only Son, His mercy would not allow Him to remain
alone. It was His wish that we too should be heirs of the Father,
and co-heirs with Himself.
Now having said that all of you are brothers of Christ, shall I not
dare to call you His mother? Much less would I dare to deny
His own words. Tell me how Mary
became the mother of Christ,
if it was not by giving birth to the members of
Christ? You, to whom I am
speaking are the members of Christ. Of whom were you born? 'Of
mother Church,' I hear the reply of your hearts. You became sons of
this mother at your baptism, you came to birth as members of Christ.
Now you in your turn must draw to the font of baptism as many as you
possibly can. You became
sons when you were born there yourselves, and now by bringing others
to birth in the same way,
you have it in your power to become the mothers of
Christ.88
Augustine shows that the members of the
Church conceive Christ by believing in
imitation of Mary: "The blessed Mary herself conceived by believing
that one whom she
bore by believing....Mary believed, and what she believed came about in
her. Let us too
believe, so that we too may benefit from what
came about."89
Augustine asserts that in some way Mary has
brought birth to all the members of Christ's body:
Mary corporally gave birth to the head of
this body; the Church spiritually gives birth to the members of that
head...But she is clearly the spiritual Mother of His members, which
we are; because she cooperated by her charity, that the faithful
might be born into the Church; and these are the members of the same
head... For
the faithful, whether married, or virgins consecrated to God, who are of
holy living, and charity, and faith unfeigned, are, because they do
the will of the
Father, spiritually mothers of Christ.90
St. Leo the Great (d. 461) emphasizes the
relationship of Mary and the Church with regard to baptism: "And
each one is a partaker of this spiritual origin in regeneration; and
to every one when he is reborn, the water of baptism is like the
Virgin's womb; for the same Holy Spirit fills the font, Who filled
the virgin, that the sin, which that sacred
conception overthrew, may be
taken away by this mystic washing."91
According to Gregory the Great (d. 604),
there is a special relationship between Mary and
preachers: "He is
above all the mother of Christ, who preaches the truth; for he gives
birth to our Lord, who brings Him into the hearts of his hearers;
and he is the mother of Christ,
who through his word inspires a love of our Lord in the spirit of
his neighbor."92
St. Isidore of Seville (d. 636) succinctly
makes the comparison between Mary and the
Church: "Mary stands for the Church. For the Church is espoused to
Christ, and as a
virgin conceives us and brings us to birth as virgin."93
The Cistercian abbot, Isaac of Stella (d. c.
1178) draws a famous comparison between
Mary, the Church and the
soul:
Christ is one, and one alone: head and body.
He is one: Son of the one Father in heaven, son of the one Mother on
earth: two sonships, but one son. The head and
members
are more than one, yet one son: so Mary and the Church are two, yet
one
single mother, two virgins and yet one. Each is a mother, each is
virgin. Both conceived by the same Spirit, without human seed. Both
bore to God the Father a child unblemished. The one, without sin,
gave birth to Christ's body, the other
restored His body through the power of the
remission of sins. Both are the Mother
of
Christ, but neither can bring Him to birth without the other. Thus
it is that in the inspired scriptures, what is said in the widest
sense of the Virgin Mother the Church, is said in a special sense of
the Virgin Mary. And what is spoken of the Virgin Mother Mary in a
personal way, can rightly be applied in a general way to
the Virgin Mother the Church. But every
faithful soul is in a sense the bride of the
Word of God, the Mother of Christ, his daughter and his sister,
virgin yet a mother. And moreover whatever is said of God's eternal
wisdom itself, can be applied in a wide sense to the Church, in a
narrower sense to Mary, and in a
particular way to every faithful soul.94
The Divine Maternity in the Documents of Vatican II
The eighth chapter of Lumen Gentium makes use of the words
Mater Dei, Dei Genitrix,
and Deipara twelve times. These are translated into English as "Mother of God."
The first reference is to "the
glorious ever Virgin Mary, Mother of God and of our Lord Jesus
Christ," drawing upon the language of the Roman Canon. (First Eucharistic
Prayer)95 The Council asserts that, as "truly the
Mother of God and of the Redeemer... she is endowed
with the supreme role and
dignity of being the Mother of God's Son."96
The Council recalls Patristic praises of Mary, "the usage prevailed
according to which they called the Mother of God completely holy and
immune from all stain of sin, as though fashioned and formed by the Holy Spirit into a new creature"97
They recount that "the Mother of God joyfully showed to the
shepherds and Magi her firstborn Son."98
The
Fathers of the Council echo Pius IX in asserting that Mary was
"eternally predestined as Mother of God in union with the incarnation
of the divine Word."99
Reference is made to the "the gift and role of the divine
motherhood which unites her to her Son the Redeemer."100
The thought of St. Ambrose is recalled in affirming that "the Mother
of God is type of the Church."101 Her special place
in the Church is noted: "as the most holy Mother of God who was
involved in the mysteries of Christ, and thus she is rightly honored
by the Church with a special cult."102
The Council makes mention of the devotion to
her, recalling "the various forms of devotion toward the Mother of
God. . .that, while the Mother is being honored, the Son. . .is
rightly known, loved, and glorified, and his commandments observed."103
The Council recalls the "singular dignity of the Mother of God,"104
and hopes that by faith, "we are led to recognize the
excellence of the Mother of God."105
In speaking of
the Eastern Christians, the Council refers to Mary as "the
ever-Virgin Godbearer."106
As the chapter concludes,
the Council fathers ask for prayers to be made to "the Mother of
God."107
The Decree on the Liturgy states, "In celebrating this annual
cycle of Christ's mysteries, holy Church honors with special love, the
Blessed Mother of God, who is joined by an inseparable bond to the saving
work of her Son."108
The document on the renewal of religious life also refers to the "Mother
of God:" "with the prayerful aid of that most loving Virgin
Mary, God's Mother."109
The Decree on Ecumenism makes reference to Mary and to Ephesus: "In
this liturgical worship, the Christians of the East pay high
tribute, in very beautiful hymns, to Mary ever-Virgin, whom the
Ecumenical Synod of Ephesus solemnly proclaimed to be God's holy
Mother so that, in accordance with the Scriptures, Christ may be
truly and properly acknowledged as Son of God and Son of Man."110
Mary's
Maternity in the Liturgy
For
Catholics, one of the prayers most frequently said makes reference
to this mystery, as we pray, "Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us
sinners." Practices that recall the Nativity, such as the
Christmas crib, bring home the reality of the Divine Maternity.
Such devotions as the rosary recall in meditation this great
mystery.
Devotion to and liturgical celebration of
Mary were gradual developments in the first
centuries of the Church.
Athanasius makes two references to a "commemoration and office of
Mary": "For if the Logos is of one essence with the body, that
renders superfluous the
commemoration and office of Mary."111 And elsewhere, "If
that were so,
the
commemoration of Mary would be superfluous."112
Pelikan
is of the opinion that
these reference may be to a feast of Mary: "There is some evidence
to support the existence of a festival called the (uvr/VT)) of Mary and celebrated
on the Sunday after Christmas, but the evidence does not go back quite as far as
Athanasius. Nevertheless, both that evidence and his language
seem to make it plausible that such a
commemoration of Mary was being
kept already during his time and that his argument
was based on it."113
The resistance of the Christians in Ephesus
to the rejection of the title Theotokos by their bishop, Nestorius, may indicate that there was more devotion to Mary than
is recorded. However, clearly the official use of the title of Theotokos
by the Council of Ephesus gave real impetus to Marian piety. Kilian
McDonnell, O.S.B., points out that this devotion to Mary is rooted in
a truth about Jesus: "This rapid flowering of Marian piety is not
tied to a proclamation about her, but to a statement about Christ. Possibly this
joining of son and mother, a relationship not always honored in subsequent history,
was the signal for a Christologically-oriented liturgical cult of Mary.
The Christological triumph of Ephesus
was enough to give impetus to a pronounced
Marian cult."114
After the Council of Ephesus, Sixtus III (432-440) completed the
Marian basilica in Rome, now
known as St. Mary Major (Santa Maria Maggiore). It is unclear
at what point the words, "gloriosae semper virginis
Mariae, genetricis Dei et Domini nostri Jesus Christi," "the
glorious ever-Virgin Mary, Mother of God and Lord Jesus Christ" were
introduced into the Roman Canon (First Eucharistic Prayer). McDonnell
suggests that Mary's name was
first introduced during the pontificate of Pope Leo (440-461),
although the reference to her as Theotokos may be from
the sixth century. It is also possible that the Greek-sounding title
may be a contribution of one of the Greek popes in the seventh
century. The manner in which Mary is honored shows the special
reverence with which she is
regarded.115
In the seventh century, a
generic feast in honor of Mary, Natale Sanctae Mariae, was
celebrated on January 1. This was composed of elements from the Mass
for Virgins but
the feast disappeared as the West
adopted new feasts from the East.116
John Allyn
Melloh, S.M., observes
that the name of the feast changed from Natale sanctae Maria to Octave Day, to Circumcision, to Octave Day,
"Despite the nomenclature shifts, January 1 never lost its Marian
character."117 In the seventh century also, texts with
Marian significance, Luke 1:26-38 (Annunciation) and Luke 1:39-47
(Visitation) are found in the
Ember Day liturgies."118 Mention of Mary in the Christmas liturgies
can be found in the Leonine Sacramentary of the seventh century
and the Gelasian of the mid-eighth century, although the Gregorian
Sacramentary
does not include Mary in the Christmas Masses, except in an appendix
where two alternate prayers may be found. The reason for this may be the
evident presence of Mary in the Advent liturgies. Advent, with its
emphasis on Jesus' two natures, which seems to have arisen as part of
the East's response to Nestorianism, was
accepted in the West in the second half of the sixth century.119
In the revision of the liturgy, which was
effective January 1, 1970, the first day of
January was again celebrated as a feast in honor of Mary's maternity.
Pope Paul VI, in his encyclical, Marialis Cultus of February 2, 1974, explains: In the revised
ordering of the Christmas season it seems to Us that the attention of
all should be directed toward the restored Solemnity of Mary,
the holy Mother of God. This celebration, assigned to
January 1 in conformity with the ancient liturgy of the city of
Rome, is meant to commemorate the part played by Mary in this mystery of
salvation. It is meant also to exalt the singular dignity which this
mystery brings to the "holy Mother ... through whom we were found
worthy
... to receive the
Author of life.120
James Dunlop Crichton comments on the feast:
From the title of this feast of St. Mary it can be seen that this is the
great western celebration of Mary, Theotokos, the Mother of God.
This is its essential meaning as is indicated by its very position in
the Calendar. It is
the feast of the Mother who brought forth the redeemer of the world and,
as such, she is seen to be more closely associated with
him than any other
human being and her relationship with him is the root and source
of all her
dignity, honor and grace. It is also
the oldest feast of St. Mary in the
calendar of the church of the Roman rite, appearing as it does in the
seventh-century Gregorian Sacramentary.
121
The Opening Prayer for the Mass for the Solemnity of Mary, the Mother of God
comes from the seventh century Gregorian Sacramentary. John Allyn Melloh,
S.M., notes: "It expresses seventh-century Roman faith not only in the
virginal maternity of Mary, but also in the power of the one who welcomed Christ."122
The literal
translation of the Latin
reads; "through the fruitful
virginity of blessed Mary you have given the treasure of eternal
salvation to the human race; grant that we may know her to intercede for
us, her through whom we have merited to receive the author of life, Your
Son."123
The English version in the liturgy is different: "May we always
profit by the prayers of the Virgin Mother Mary, for You bring us life
and salvation through Jesus Christ her Son." Melloh comments, "By
eliminating the rich, image-laden phrases of the original text, there is
a reduction of the surplus of meaning that the text can carry."124
The Prayer over the Gifts was recently composed. It reads: "We
celebrate at this season
the beginning of our salvation. On this feast of Mary, the Mother of God, we
ask that our
salvation will be brought to its fulfillment." An important
element is the reference to
salvation being an on-going process. Interestingly, there is no reference to
the gifts at this
point in the Liturgy.
The Prayer after Communion is a new prayer with phrases from a
ninth-century text for
St. Agnes. "We proclaim the
virgin Mary to be mother of Christ and the mother of the Church; may our
communion with her Son bring us to salvation."
Fr. Denis Vincent Wiseman, O.P.,
July 19, 2002
|
1
The Congregation for Catholic Education, "The Virgin Mary in
Intellectual and Spiritual Formation," (March 25, 1988), in Marian
Studies, XXXIX (1988), 216.
2
The International Theological Commission, "On the Interpretation of
Dogmas," (October, 1989), in Origins XX (May 17, 1990),
11-12.
3
Ibid.,
5.
4
Ibid., 11.
5
Lumen Gentium,
65.
6
Catechism of the Catholic Church,
(second Edition), 487 (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1997),
122.
7
Aristides of Athens, Apology, 15, 1, quoted by J.N.D. Kelly,
Early Christian Doctrines (New York: Harper & Row, 1960), 145.
8 Justin, The First Apology,
lxiii, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. I, ed. A. Cleveland
Coxe (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985), 184.
9 Irenaeus,
Against Heresies, III, xxi, 10 - xxii, 1, in The Ante-Nicene
Fathers, vol. I, ed. A.
Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985), 454.
10 Tertullian,
On the Flesh of Christ," xx, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers,
vol. Ill, ed. A. Cleveland
Coxe (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), 538.
11
Clement of Alexandria, The Stromata, VI, xv, in The
Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. II, ed. A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), 509.
12 Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition, 14. 13
Rufinus, PL 21: 348-349.
14
DS 125, Heinrich Denzinger, Symbols et Définitions de la Foi
Catholique, ed. Peter Hunermann & Joseph Hoffman (Paris: Editions du
Cerf, 1997), 40. 15 DS 150, Ibid,
57. 16 Agnes Cunningham, The Significance of Mary
(Chicago: Thomas More Press, 1988), 43.
17 Jaroslav Pelikan, Mary Through the
Centuries
(New Haven: Yale, 1996), 57-58.
18
Jaroslav Pelikan, Development of Christian Doctrine (New
Haven: Yale, 1969), 113.
19
Alexander of Alexandria, "Letter to Alexander of Thessalonica"; PG
18, 568.
20 Julian, Against the Galilaeans, trans. Wilmer Cave Wright,
Works of Emperor Julian, Loeb Classical Library, III (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard, 1953), 399.
21 St. Basil, "Letter CCCLX," in The Nicene and Post Nicene
Fathers, vol. VIII (second), ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace
(Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1983), 326.
22 Gregory Nazianzen, Letter CI, to Cledonius Against Apollinarius,
in The Nicene and PostNicene Fathers,vol. VII, ed. Philip
Schaff and Henry Wace (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1983), 439.
23 Luigi Gambero, Mary and the Fathers of the Church, trans.
Thomas Buffer (San Francisco, Ignatius Press, 1999), 233.
24 Aloys Grillmeier, S. J., Christ in the Chrisian Tradition: From
the Apostolic Age to Chalcedon(451),trans.J.S.
Bowden (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1965), 357.
25
The Council of Ephesus, in The Sources of Christian Dogma,
trans. Roy J. Deferrari (St. Louis: B. Herder, 1957), 49. DS 251.
26
Cyril of Alexandria, "Anathemas of the Chapter of Cyril," Ibid.,
50. DS 252.
27
Cyril of Alexandria, "Letter II to Nestorius"; PG 77, 448, as quoted by Cantalamessa, 64.
28
"...humanitas Christi et maternitas Virginis adeo sibi connexa sunt,
ut qui circa unum erraverit,oporteat etiam circa aliud errare."
Commentarium in quattuor libros Sentiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi,III,
dist. 4, q. 2. a.2.
29
Raniero Cantalamessa, Mary, Mirror of the Church,
trans. Frances Lonergan Villa (Collegeville, Minn: Liturgical
Press, 1992), 57.
30
Cyril of Alexandria, Commentary on the Gospel of St. Luke,
XII, 25-27; PG 74, 661 f.
31
The Council of cedon, in
The Teaching of the Catholic Faith as Contained in
herDocuments, Josef Neuner, S.J. & Heinrich Roos, S.J., ed. Karl Rahner, S.J.
(Staten Island: Alba House, 1967), 153-154. DS 301.
32 Pope John II, Ibid., 155. DS 401.
33 Second Council of Constantinople, Ibid.
157-158. DS, 427
34 Third Council of Constantinople, in The Sources of Christian
Dogma, Deferrari, 114. DS, 555.
35 DS, 1880.
36
Pius XI, Lux Vehtatis, in the Benedictine monks of Solesmes,
Our Lady, Papal Teachings, trans. Daughters of St.
Paul (Boston: St. Paul Editions, 1961), 214.
37 Justin,
The First Apology, lxiii, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers,
vol. I, ed. A. Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985), 184.
38 Irenaeus, Against Heresies, III, xxi, 10 - xxii, 1, in
The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. I, ed. A.
Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985), 454.
39
Tertullian, On the Flesh of Christ,"
xx, in
The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. Ill, ed. A.
Cleveland Coxe (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), 538.
40 Clement of Alexandria, The Stromata, VI, xv, in The
Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. II, ed. A.Cleveland Coxe (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), 509.
41 Jaroslav Pelikan,
Jaroslav Pelikan, Development of Chrisian Doctrine (Yale: New Haven, 1069),
106.
42 Socrates, History of the Church, VII, 32; PG 67, 812.
43
Alexander of Alexandria, "Letter to Alexander of Thessalonica"; PG
18, 568.
44 Athanasius,
"First Discourse Against the Arians," 42, in
The Nicene and Post Nicene
Fathers, vol. IV, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Grand Rapids: Wm. B.
Eerdmans,1980), 330-331.
45
Athanasius, "Third Discourse Against the Arians," 14, in The
Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, vol. IV, ed. Philip Schaff and
Henry Wace (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1980), 401. 46
Athanasius, "Third Discourse Against the Arians," 29,
in The Nicene and Post Nicene,
f Fathers, vol. IV, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace
(Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1980), 409.
47
Jaroslav Pelikan,
Development of Christian Doctrine (Yale: New Haven, 1069), 113.
48 Julian, Against the Galilaeans,
trans.
Wilmer Cave Wright, Loeb Classical Library:
Works
of Emperor Julian, III (Cambridge, Ma: Harvard, 1953), 399.
49 St. Basil, "Letter CCCLX" in The Nicene and Post Nicene
Fathers, vol. VIII (second), ed.
Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1983),
326.
50 Gregory Nazianzen, "Letter CI, to
Cledonius Against Apollinarius," in
The Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, vol.
VII, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans,
1983), 439.
51
Luigi Gambero, Mary and the Fathers of the Church, trans.
Thomas Buffer (San Francisco,Ignatius Press, 1999), 233.
52 Aloys Grillmeier, S.J., Christ in the Chrisian Tradition: From
the Apostolic Age to
Chalcedon (451),
trans. J.S. Bowden (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1965), 357.
53 Cyril, "Letter I," in St. Cyril of Alexandria, Letters 1-50,
trans. John I. McEnerney (Washington: Catholic University Press,
1985), 14-15.
54 Cyril, "Letter I," in St. Cyril of Alexandria, Letters 1-50,
trans. John I. McEnerney (Washington: Catholic University Press,
1985), 20.
55
Cyril, "Letter 45, to Succensus," in
St. Cyril of Alexandria,
Letters 1-50,
McEnerney (Washington: Catholic University Press, 1985), 191.
56 Cyril, "Letter 50, to
Valerian," in St. Cyril of Alexandria, Letters 1-50, trans.
John I. McEnerney (Washington: Catholic University Press, 1985),
214. 57
Cyril, "Letter 17, to Nestorius," in St. Cyril of Alexandria,
Letters 1-50, trans. John I. McEnerney (Washington: Catholic
University Press, 1985), 89-90.
58 Cyril of
Alexandria, "A Homily delivered at the Council of Ephesus" in
The
Liturgy of the
Hours,
IV (New York: Catholic Book Company, 1975), 1271-2..
59 Kari Borresen, "Mary in
Catholic Theology," in Mary and the Churches, ed. Hans Kung &
Jurgen Moltmann (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1983), 49.
60 Ibid.,
61
Ibid.,
50.
62
Ibid.
63
Ibid., 55.
64
"On the Interpretation of Dogmas," Origins XX, 12-13.
65 St. Augustine, "Sermo 25" in The Liturgy of
the Hours, IV (New York: Catholic Book Publishing,
1975), 1573.
66
Pius IX, Ineffabilis Deus (December 8,
1854), in Our Lady, 61.
67
Cyril Vollert, S.J., "Fundamental Principle of
Mariology," in Mariology, vol. 2, ed. Juniper B.
Carol, O.F.M. (Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing, 1957),
87. 68 Reginald Garrigou-Lagrange, O.P., The Mother of
the Saviour and Our Interior Life, trans.
Bernard J. Kelly, C.S.Sp (St. Louis: B. Herder,
1954),21. 69 Raniero Cantalamessa, O.F.M. Cap., Mary, Mirror of
the Church, 61.
70
Edward Schillebeeckx, O.P., Mary, Mother of the
Redemption (New York: Sheed & Ward,
1964)102. 71
Ibid.,
114. 72
Ibid.,
108-109.
73
Ibid.,
106.
74
Ibid.,
71.
75
Ibid., 71
76
Ibid.,
114.
77 Karl Rahner, Mary Mother of the Lord (London:
Catholic Book Club, 1963), 12.
78
Ibid.
79
Ibid.,
25-26.
80
Ibid.,
54.
81
Ibid.,
60-61.
82
Cantalamessa, Mary Mirror of the Church, 64.
83 Ibid, 65.
84
Jean Laurenceau, O.P., Speak to Us of Mary,
trans. Matthew J. O'Connell (Chicago: Franciscan
Herald Press, 1987), 88-89.
85 Gregory of Nyssa, Commentary on the Canticle 4
(PG 44, 828), in H. Rahner, Our Lady and
The Church,
74.
86 Ambrose, 4, 20 (PL 16, 271),
in H. Rahner, Our Lady and The Church, 75.
87 Ambrose, Commentary on Luke, X, 24-25 (PL 15,
1810), 75.
88 Augustine. "Sermo 25," PL 46,
937-938, in The
Liturgy of the Hours, IV (New York: Catholic Book Publishing Co., 1975), 1573-1574.
89 Augustine, "Sermon 215"
The Works of St.
Augustine, III, 6, trans. Edmund Hill, O.P., ed. John E. Rotelle,
O.S.A. (New Rocelle, NY: New City Press, 1992), 162.br>
90 Augustine, "De
sancta Virginitate," nn. 3-6, quoted by Buby, Mary of Galilee,
III, 187.
91
Leo, "Sermon XXIV," III, in The Nicene and Post
Nicene Fathers, (Second Series), vol. XII,
92 Gregory the Great,
"Homily 3 on the Gospels" (PL
76, 1086), in H. Rahner, Our Lady and the Church, 17-78.
93 Isidore of Seville, "Allegoriae 139" (PL 83,
117), in H. Rahner, Our Lady and the Church, 46.
94 Issac of Stella, "Sermo 51 on the Assumption,"
(PL 194, 1863), in Hugo Rahner, S.J., Our
Lady and The Church,
trans. Sebastian Bullough, O.P. (New York, NY:
Pantheon Books, 1961), ix-x.
95 Lumen Gentium,52.
96
Ibid., 53.
97
Ibid,,
56.
98 Ibid.,
57. 99
Ibid., 61. 100 Ibid.,
63. 101 Ibid,.
63.
102 Ibid.,66. 103
Ibid., 66.
104
Ibid., 67.
105 Ibid., 67. 106
Ibid.,69. 107 Ibid., 69. 108
Vatican II, Sacrosanctum Concilium, 103.
109 Vatican II, Perfectae Caritatis, 25. 110
Vatican II, On Ecumenism, 15.
111 Athanasius, Epistle to Epicetus; PG 26:
1056-1057.7.
112
Athanasius, Epistle to Maximus the Philosopher,
3; PG 26:1088.
113 Pelikan,
Mary Through the Centuries, 61.
114 Kilian McDonnell, O.S.B., "The Marian Liturgical
Tradition," The One Mediator, The Saints, and Mary, ed. H.
George Anderson, J. Francis Stafford, Joseph A. Burgess
(Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1992), 179-180.
115 Ibid.,
180.
116
Ibid.
117 John Allyn Melloh, S.M., "Mary in Advent/Christmas:
Liturgical References," in
Marian Studies,
XLI (1990), 74.
118 McDonnell, "The Marian Liturgical Tradition," 180.
119
Kilian McDonnell, O.S.B., "The Marian Liturgical
Tradition," The One Mediator, The Saints, and Mary, ed. H.
George Anderson, J. Francis Stafford, Joseph A. Burgess
(Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1992), 180-181.
120
Paul VI, Marialis Cultus, 6.
121
James Dunlop Crichton, Our Lady in the Liturgy
(Collegeville, Minn: Liturgical Press, 1997),
122
Melloh, in
'Advent/Christmas'. 74.
123 Ibid.
124 Ibid., 75.
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